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Gadgets

Long Beach Offering Commercial Rent Assistance – NBC Los Angeles


Small businesses in Long Beach can now apply for assistance with their commercial property rent, through the city’s Commercial Rental Assistance Grant program.

The program is designed to help businesses that “lost revenue as a result of COVID-19 and State and Local Health Orders that restricted business operations,” according to a statement from the City of Long Beach.

The application period for the program opens at noon on Friday, June 11 and closes Thursday, July 22 at 5 p.m. Interested potential applicants can visit the Commercial Rental Assistance Grant webpage and submit an application and all required documentation after reviewing eligibility requirements.

To be eligible, businesses must:

  • Be a for-profit business with Long Beach as its location of business.
  • Have a Long Beach business license.
  • Have 50 or fewer full-time employees.
  • Have experienced financial hardship resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic and State and local Health Orders.
  • Have a physical location with a current, active commercial lease.
  • Be in a Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) area.
  • Be in compliance with local Health Orders.
  • Not be permanently closed.

The applicants must provide the following documentation with their application:

  • Current commercial lease/rental agreement.
  • Landlord contact information.
  • W-9; Request for Taxpayer ID number and certification.
  • Copy of photo ID.

If a business is approved for a grant, the payments will be made directly to the tenant of the commercial space to help cover the lease payments.

The awards will not include property tax or utility payments – just the “cost of rent and any applicable charges due under a commercial lease.”

The program includes about $1.5 million overall, with grants totaling $4,000 available. The money comes from the third round of emergency grant funds from the federal Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act Community Development Block Grant Coronavirus (CDBG CV-3) allocations.

Free help on the applications will also be available for businesses at the City of Long Beach’s BizCare pop-ups, which operate at the following locations and on the following hours:

  • Mondays, 8 a.m. to 4 p.m., Admiral Kidd Park, 2125 Santa Fe Ave.
  • Tuesdays, 8 a.m. to 4 p.m., Admiral Kidd Park; and 9 a.m. to 4 p.m., Michelle Obama Neighborhood Library, 5870 Atlantic Ave.
  • Wednesdays, 9 a.m. to 4 p.m., Michelle Obama Neighborhood Library and Mark Twain Neighborhood Library, 1401 E. Anaheim St.
  • Thursdays, 9 a.m. to 4 p.m., Mark Twain Neighborhood Library

“Small businesses are still recovering from the pandemic and many need more assistance on the road to recovery,” said Mayor Robert Garcia. “This program helps bridge the rent for so many of our mom-and-pop businesses.” 

Interested small business owners can apply for grants here.



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Future

Opinion: Biden’s infrastructure plan must look to the future, not wrap itself in a nostalgic view of past American greatness


CAMBRIDGE, Mass. (Project Syndicate)—President Joe Biden’s $2 trillion infrastructure plan is likely to be a watershed moment for the American economy, clearly signaling that the neoliberal era, with its belief that markets work best and are best left alone, is behind us. But while neoliberalism may be dead, it is less clear what will replace it.

The challenges that the United States and other advanced economies face today are fundamentally different from those they faced in the early decades of the 20th century. Those earlier challenges gave rise to the New Deal and the welfare state. Today’s problems—climate change, the disruption of labor markets due to new technologies, and hyper-globalization—require new solutions.

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We need a new economic vision, not nostalgia for a mythicized age of widely shared prosperity at home and global supremacy abroad.

On climate change, Biden’s plan falls short of the Green New Deal advocated by progressive Democrats such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. But it contains significant investments in a green economy, such as supporting markets for electric vehicles and other programs to cut carbon-dioxide emissions, making it the largest federal effort ever to curb greenhouse-gases.


Economics is different from an arms race. A strong U.S. economy should not be a threat to China, just as Chinese economic growth need not threaten America.

On jobs, the plan aims to expand employment offering good pay and benefits, focusing, in addition to infrastructure, on manufacturing and the growing and essential care economy.

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The role of government

New ways of thinking about the role of government are as important as new priorities. Many commentators have framed Biden’s infrastructure plan as a return to big government. But the package is spread over eight years, will raise public spending by only 1 percentage point of gross domestic product, and is projected to pay for itself eventually.

A boost in public investment in infrastructure, the green transition, and job creation is long overdue. Even if the plan were nothing more than a big public investment push financed by taxes on large corporations, it would do a lot of good for the U.S. economy.


We need a new economic vision, not nostalgia for a mythicized age of widely shared prosperity at home and global supremacy abroad.

But Biden’s plan can be much more. It could fundamentally reshape the government’s role in the economy and how that role is perceived.

Traditional skepticism about government’s economic role is rooted in the belief that private markets, driven by the profit motive, are efficient, while governments are wasteful. But the excesses of private markets in recent decades—the rise of monopolies, the follies of private finance, extreme concentration of income, and rising economic insecurity—have taken the shine off the private sector.

At the same time, it is better understood today that in a complex economy characterized by so much uncertainty, top-down regulation is unlikely to work. Regardless of the specific domain—promoting green technologies, developing new institutional arrangements for home-care workers, deepening domestic supply chains for high-tech manufacturing, or building on successful workforce development programs—government collaboration with nongovernmental actors will be essential.


If it succeeds, the example it sets of markets and governments acting as complements, not substitutes—demonstrating that each works better when the other pulls its weight—could be its most important and enduring legacy.

In all these areas, the government will have to work with markets and private businesses, as well as other stakeholders such as unions and community groups. New models of governance will be required to ensure public objectives are pursued with the full participation of those actors who have the knowledge and capacity to achieve them. The government will have to become a trusted partner; and it will have to trust other social actors in turn.

In the past, each excessive swing in the state-market balance has eventually prompted an excessive swing in the opposite direction. The Biden plan can break this cycle. If it succeeds, the example it sets of markets and governments acting as complements, not substitutes—demonstrating that each works better when the other pulls its weight—could be its most important and enduring legacy.

Biden’s unhelpful framing

In this regard, it is unhelpful to view the Biden plan as a way to restore America’s competitive position in the world, especially vis-à-vis China. Unfortunately, Biden himself is guilty of this framing. The package will “put us in a position to win the global competition with China in the coming years,” he recently argued.

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It may be politically tempting to market the infrastructure plan in this fashion. In an earlier era, the prevailing fear that the U.S. was losing its edge to the Soviet Union in ballistic missiles and in the space race helped catalyze a national technological mobilization.

But there is much less reason for fearmongering today. It is unlikely to buy much Republican support for the plan, given the intensity of partisan polarization. And it diverts attention from the real action: if the plan increases incomes and opportunities for ordinary Americans, as it should, it will have been worth doing, regardless of the effects on America’s geopolitical status.

Moreover, economics is different from an arms race. A strong U.S. economy should not be a threat to China, just as Chinese economic growth need not threaten America. Biden’s framing is damaging insofar as it turns good economics at home into an instrument of aggressive, zero-sum policies abroad. Can we blame China if it tightens restrictions on U.S. corporations as a defensive measure against the Biden plan?

The plan could transform the U.S. and set an important example for other developed countries to follow. But to achieve its potential, it must avoid misleading state-versus-market dichotomies and outdated Cold War tropes. Only by leaving behind the models of the past can it chart a new vision for the future.

This commentary was published with permission of Project SyndicateBiden Must Fix the Future, Not the Past.

Dani Rodrik, professor of international political economy at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government, is the author of “Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy.”

More From Project Syndicate

Megan Greene; How the Fed could give a green light to environmentally sustainable investments

James K. Galbraith: Here’s why fears of surging inflation are off-base

Minxin Pei: China sabotages its economic future by escalating tiff with West over forced labor of Uighurs



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